H. R. Haldeman's memoir attributes the phrase to Nixon directly, in a conversation during the 1968 campaign: I call it the madman theory, Bob. I want the North Vietnamese to believe I've reached the point where I might do anything to stop the war. We'll just slip the word to them that, for God's sake, you know Nixon is obsessed about Communism. We can't restrain him when he's angry — and he has his hand on the nuclear button.
In October 1969 the theory was operationalized. The Joint Chiefs ordered a global increase in military readiness, including nuclear-armed B-52s flying patterns near Soviet airspace over the Arctic for three days. It was conducted without public announcement, without informing allies, and specifically so that Soviet intelligence would detect it. The documents were declassified decades later and are held at the National Security Archive.
The theory is a legitimate piece of bargaining theory before it is a piece of psychology. Thomas Schelling's work on commitment showed that in a bargaining situation, the ability to make an irrevocable or irrational commitment is a source of power: an opponent who knows you are rational can predict your behavior and rely on your self-interest to restrain you. An opponent who suspects you might act against your own interest cannot, and must therefore concede more to avoid an outcome they cannot rule out.
Two psychological effects support it. Ambiguity aversion, which Ellsberg demonstrated: decision-makers will pay a substantial premium to avoid risks they cannot quantify, as against risks they can. And stress load — an opponent operating under a persistent threat of catastrophic and unpredictable escalation is negotiating with degraded working memory.
It did not work, and the reason is instructive.
The North Vietnamese did not concede. The nuclear alert produced no discernible change in Soviet or North Vietnamese behavior, and the war continued for three more years. The failure mode is credibility decay: a threat that is signaled and not executed teaches the opponent to discount the next one. Repeated unexecuted threats do not accumulate leverage; they destroy it.
There is a further problem specific to this technique, and it is the reason it is dangerous rather than merely ineffective. A leader performing irrationality to an adversary is also performing it to his own military, his allies, and his domestic institutions, none of whom can distinguish the performance from the reality. And an adversary who genuinely believes you are unpredictable and armed may reasonably conclude that a first strike is safer than waiting.
Aftermath & Cross-Reference: Negotiation Pressure Tactics